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netigen
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In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
many Western Pueblo settlements
in what is now the southwestern United
Line States may have possessed distinctly
(5) hierarchical organizational structures.
These communities’ agricultural
systems—which were “intensive” in
the use of labor rather than “extensive”
in area—may have given rise to polit-
(10) ical leadership that managed both
labor and food resources. That formal
management of food resources
was needed is suggested by the
large size of storage spaces located
(15) around some communal Great Kivas
(underground ceremonial chambers).
Though no direct evidence exists that
such spaces were used to store food,
Western Pueblo communities lacking
(20) sufficient arable land to support their
populations could have preserved
the necessary extra food, including
imported foodstuffs, in such apparently
communal spaces.
(25) Moreover, evidence of specialization
in producing raw materials and
in manufacturing ceramics and textiles
indicates differentiation of labor within
and between communities. The orga-
(30) nizational and managerial demands
of such specialization strengthen
the possibility that a decision-making
elite existed, an elite whose control
over labor, the use of community sur-
(35) pluses, and the acquisition of imported
goods would have led to a concentration
of economic resources in their
own hands. Evidence for differential
distribution of wealth is found in buri-
(40) als of the period: some include large
quantities of pottery, jewelry, and other
artifacts, whereas others from the
same sites lack any such materials.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Q1:
Which of the following, if true, would most clearly undermine the author’s statement in the last sentence of the passage (lines 38-43) regarding the distribution of wealth in Western Pueblo settlements?
A. Only community members of exceptional wealth are likely to have been buried with their personal possessions.
B. Members of communities with extensive agricultural systems are usually buried without personal possessions.
C. Most artifacts found in burial sites were manufactured locally rather than imported from other communities.
D. Burial artifacts are often ritual objects associated with religious practices rather than being the deceased’s personal possessions.
E. The quality of burial artifacts varies depending on the site with which they are associated.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Q2:
According to the passage, which of the following is probably true of the storage spaces mentioned in line 14?
A. They were used by the community elite for storage of their own food supplies.
B. They served a ceremonial as well as a practical function.
C. Their size is an indication of the wealth of the particular community to which they belonged.
D. Their existence proves that the community to which they belonged imported large amounts of food.
E. They belonged to and were used by the community as a whole.
many Western Pueblo settlements
in what is now the southwestern United
Line States may have possessed distinctly
(5) hierarchical organizational structures.
These communities’ agricultural
systems—which were “intensive” in
the use of labor rather than “extensive”
in area—may have given rise to polit-
(10) ical leadership that managed both
labor and food resources. That formal
management of food resources
was needed is suggested by the
large size of storage spaces located
(15) around some communal Great Kivas
(underground ceremonial chambers).
Though no direct evidence exists that
such spaces were used to store food,
Western Pueblo communities lacking
(20) sufficient arable land to support their
populations could have preserved
the necessary extra food, including
imported foodstuffs, in such apparently
communal spaces.
(25) Moreover, evidence of specialization
in producing raw materials and
in manufacturing ceramics and textiles
indicates differentiation of labor within
and between communities. The orga-
(30) nizational and managerial demands
of such specialization strengthen
the possibility that a decision-making
elite existed, an elite whose control
over labor, the use of community sur-
(35) pluses, and the acquisition of imported
goods would have led to a concentration
of economic resources in their
own hands. Evidence for differential
distribution of wealth is found in buri-
(40) als of the period: some include large
quantities of pottery, jewelry, and other
artifacts, whereas others from the
same sites lack any such materials.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Q1:
Which of the following, if true, would most clearly undermine the author’s statement in the last sentence of the passage (lines 38-43) regarding the distribution of wealth in Western Pueblo settlements?
A. Only community members of exceptional wealth are likely to have been buried with their personal possessions.
B. Members of communities with extensive agricultural systems are usually buried without personal possessions.
C. Most artifacts found in burial sites were manufactured locally rather than imported from other communities.
D. Burial artifacts are often ritual objects associated with religious practices rather than being the deceased’s personal possessions.
E. The quality of burial artifacts varies depending on the site with which they are associated.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Q2:
According to the passage, which of the following is probably true of the storage spaces mentioned in line 14?
A. They were used by the community elite for storage of their own food supplies.
B. They served a ceremonial as well as a practical function.
C. Their size is an indication of the wealth of the particular community to which they belonged.
D. Their existence proves that the community to which they belonged imported large amounts of food.
E. They belonged to and were used by the community as a whole.
....
